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In 2008, the Legislature directed the Institute to study the truancy provisions of the 1995 "Becca Bill." The bill changed several aspects of the compulsory school attendance laws in Washington. In particular, the bill requires that school districts file truancy petitions in juvenile court when students accumulate a specified number of unexcused absences.
From a policy standpoint, it is of interest to know whether the Becca truancy laws have had a causal impact on key student outcomes, such as graduation rates.
Unfortunately, despite our best attempt to analyze this question with rigorous statistical methods, we cannot provide a scientific answer as to whether the law is having a positive, negative, or no effect on student outcomes. Sometimes research can provide answers to central questions, and sometimes it cannot; this is a case of the latter.
The 1995 Becca laws were implemented statewide and a random assignment study—the type of study offering the best scientific evidence—was never possible or envisioned. In addition, the historical data available for our study do not allow us to measure a vital aspect of the Becca laws: the number of unexcused absences from school. Without this information, it is impossible to employ appropriate statistical methods to study the question of the Becca Bill’s effectiveness.
We do know from our analysis that students who receive truancy petitions are at very high risk of academic failure as well as future criminal involvement. For example, of all students in Washington during the 2002–03 school year, only 20 percent of students with petitions graduated from high school by 2008, compared with 77 percent of their non-petitioned peers. Similarly, 20 percent of the students with petitions were subsequently convicted of a crime in Washington compared to 4 percent of students without petitions.
Our inability to analyze the effectiveness of the Becca Bill stems from that fact that, even before their truancy filing, petitioned students were already at much higher risk for negative outcomes. For example, prior to receiving the truancy filing, petitioned youth had a GPA of just 1.3, compared with a GPA of 2.7 for non-petitioned students. And, prior to the filing, 31 percent of the petitioned students had previously been convicted of a crime compared with 8 percent of non petitioned students.
Given these differences, and without additional information, it is not possible to identify an appropriate comparison group with which to judge—in a scientifically rigorous way—whether the Becca Bill has had the effects the Legislature intended.
The 1999 Offender Accountability Act (OAA) directs the Department of Corrections (DOC) to perform a formal assessment of each offender’s risk for recidivism and then to allocate agency resources accordingly. The law also requires the Institute to evaluate the OAA and provide results by 2010.
This report presents our findings on whether the OAA has had an effect on recidivism. On average, offenders today have a greater risk for recidivism than historically; the general rise in recidivism over the last 20 years is largely explained by the increased underlying risk of DOC’s offender population. Since the OAA was implemented, however, something favorable has happened to cause recidivism rates to be lower than expected. Unfortunately, our statistical analysis does not allow us to identify whether this beneficial change can be attributed specifically to the OAA or other policies, or other unknown factors that occurred during the same time period. Regardless, the good news from our evaluation is that, after at least a decade of increasing recidivism, Washington is now beginning to observe improvements in adult felony recidivism.
The 2009 Legislature directed the Institute to “evaluate the adequacy of and access to financial aid and independent living programs for youth in foster care. The examination shall include opportunities to improve efficiencies within these programs.” In the past decade, the number of programs focused on Washington foster youth transitioning to adulthood has grown from three to 15. We estimate that 3,365 youth accessed one or more of these programs in 2009—roughly 60 percent of those eligible for the state’s Independent Living program (for foster youth ages 15 to 21). In this report, we review the research evidence on Independent Living programs.
In Fiscal Year 2009, approximately $3,300 per youth was spent on foster youth transition programs. Over $11 million in total was spent on these programs; the state spent close to $5 million. Almost half the state funding went toward housing programs, over a quarter toward college preparation and student financial aid, nearly a fifth toward health insurance, and 5 percent toward helping youth finish high school.
In Washington, 34 percent of students in foster care graduate on-time from high school, compared with 71 percent of their non-foster peers. We recommend the legislature consider reallocating funding to help more foster youth finish high school. The 2009 legislation (HB 2106) directing performance contracts for child welfare services offers an opportunity to consolidate foster youth transition services into the smallest number of contracts and emphasize key outcome measures.
In 2006, the Washington State Legislature passed 2SHB 2002, which allowed up to 50 youth (per year) to remain in a foster care placement until they reached age 21. In order to be eligible for an extended foster care placement, youth in the Foster Care to 21 program must be enrolled in a post-high school academic or vocational program.
The 2006 Legislature also directed the Institute to “conduct a study measuring outcomes for foster youth who have received continued support,” and “include measurements of any savings to the state and local government.” This evaluation compares outcomes for Foster Care to 21 participants with a matched group of foster youth who completed high school before the program was available. Based on this analysis, we found that youth enrolled in Foster Care to 21 attended college for a longer period in the first two years after high school graduation, received food stamps for fewer total months, and were less likely to be arrested for a misdemeanor or felony crime. Positive outcomes associated with Foster Care to 21 saved taxpayers $1.35 for every dollar spent on the program, according to our estimates.
The Washington State Legislature has been funding evidence-based programs in the Washington State juvenile courts since 1999. In 2009, the Legislature directed the Institute to “conduct an analysis of the costs per participant of evidence-based programs by the juvenile courts.” This report provides estimated costs per participant for these evidence-based programs:
The 2009 Washington State Legislature directed the Washington State Institute for Public Policy “to calculate the return on investment to taxpayers from evidence-based prevention and intervention programs and policies.”
This short report summarizes the four-step approach the Institute is taking to this assignment.
The Foster Care to College Partnership (FCTCP) was a three-year foundation-funded initiative led by six different state and community agencies in Washington State. The aim of the FCTCP was to increase the high school graduation and college attendance rate for youth aging out of foster care.
Foster Care to College partners implemented an educational campaign (including a website, direct mail, and local seminars) to encourage youth to attend college and provide information and resources to foster students and their families. In addition, FCTCP agencies established a statewide volunteer mentor program and summer college assistance workshop for foster youth.
As part of the FCTCP initiative, the Institute was asked to evaluate the effectiveness of these activities. This report includes the results of this evaluation. We found that compared to similar youth in foster care, foster students who participated in FCTCP programs were significantly more likely to graduate from high school and attend the first year of college. While high school completion and college enrollment rates for this population are still low, this research shows that these programs hold promise in improving the educational outcomes for youth in foster care.
The 2009 Legislature directed the Institute to review state general assistance programs and to identify “promising approaches that both improve client outcomes and reduce state costs.” General Assistance-Unemployable (GA-U) is a state-funded program that provides cash and medical assistance to adults with temporary incapacities (for example, an illness) that prevent them from working. Nineteen states (including Washington) operate GA-U programs. Research evidence suggests that client and taxpayer finance outcomes can be improved by providing treatment services to individuals diagnosed with mental illness or substance abuse disorders. These services are appropriate for many GA-U clients.
This paper examines existing public and private programs that provide personal hygiene and cleaning supplies to low-income populations.
Based on interviews with knowledgeable people, three principal options are identified if the legislature chooses to increase access and availability. A hybrid approach is possible, as the options are not mutually exclusive: 1) Establish a benefit card or voucher program for personal hygiene and cleaning supplies; 2) Allocate additional support services’ funds to cover personal hygiene and cleaning products for recipients of TANF; and 3) Use existing governmental purchasing contracts to allow more community organizations to purchase products at lower negotiated prices.
After the 2009 Legislative session, the Institute was asked to participate in a Housing Focus Group, and provide a summary of research findings on the effectiveness of housing programs for populations at risk of homelessness. In this report, we examine the impact of housing supports for persons with mental illness and for ex-offenders returning to the community following incarceration.
In this initial review of the literature, we found:
• Housing assistance for persons with mental illness significantly reduced homelessness, hospitalization, and crime when compared to similar individuals who did not participate in a housing program.
• Reentry programs that included housing support for the general population of ex-offenders did not affect the incidence of recidivism.
• Reentry programs for serious violent ex-offenders significantly reduced recidivism.